In "Degeneration and Revolution: Radical Cultural Politics and the physique in Weimar Germany" Robert Heynen explores the influence of conceptions of degeneration, exemplified by means of eugenics and social hygiene, at the social, cultural, and political background of the left in Germany, 1914 33. Hygienic practices of physically rules have been quintessential to the extension of contemporary capitalist social kin, and profoundly formed Weimar tradition. Heynen s cutting edge interdisciplinary process attracts on Marxist and different severe traditions to check the politics of degeneration and socialist, communist, and anarchist responses. Drawing on key Weimar theorists and addressing creative and cultural routine starting from Dada to worker-produced media, this booklet demanding situations us to reconsider traditional understandings of left tradition and politics, and of Weimar tradition extra generally."
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Additional info for Degeneration and Revolution: Radical Cultural Politics and the Body in Weimar Germany (Supplements to Vetus Testamentum)
229 Farrenkopf 2001, p. 20. 118 bankruptcy 2 this was once what he calls the Faustian proposal of limitless space), culminating in a florescence of cultural creation. It then starts to harden, and a decline units in. Decay and degeneration are hence inherent within the common sense of Cultures. within the ultimate degree (which Spengler says is the level within which Europe unearths itself) tradition hardens and turns into Civilisation. He reveals this descent into Civilisation in all nice Cultures: ‘[t]he Civilization is the inevitable future of the Culture’. 230 Civilisation is the age of world-cities, technological know-how and summary notion, imperialism, and expertise. it's the ultimate degree, the top and achievement of the heritage of a tradition. in a single experience, then, Spengler is expressing the typical contrast frequently made among a Germanic tradition (Kultur) and a mechanistic and materialistic Civilisation (Zivilisation) linked to England and France. certainly, a lot of the right-wing considered the Nineteen Twenties used to be based at the contrasting conceptions of the nationwide border as a ‘blood- and body-less, essentially mathematical abstraction’ or as a ‘three-dimensional physically border of flesh and blood [dreidimensionaler, durchbluteter Grenzkörper]’, to take advantage of Karl Haushofer’s smelly phraseology. 231 Spengler provides this a twist, arguing that the dichotomy of tradition and Civilisation is inner to cultural improvement, elimination it a little from its national(ist) context. The implication of his argument is that the decline of the West is unavoidable, and that neither a nostalgic wish for an natural earlier nor a trust in sleek regeneration are tenable positions. His anti-nostalgia was once shared with others at the radical correct, even if such a lot endured to dream of a countrywide regeneration. 232 Spengler rejected the declare that his paintings entailed a fatalistic or pessimistic orientation, arguing in 1921 in line with critics of the 1st quantity that ‘[m]y goal was once to give a picture of the realm to be lived with, instead of to plan a approach for pro philosophers to brood over’. 233 This rejection of the contemplative mode is the place Spengler’s imaginative and prescient so much sincerely hyperlinks up with others at the radical correct. For Spengler, a technologised perception of an activist will ran via his paintings, a party of a steel and completely built-in 230 Spengler 1928, 1, p. 31. 231 Quoted in Conze 2007, p. 34. 232 In Die Rettung des Abendlandes, a thorough nationalist fable from 1921, for instance, Ernst Otto Montanus argued opposed to Spengler’s pessimism, claiming that Decline of the West threatened to steer the Volk into resignation, and that it contradicted the spirit of the Frontkämpfer, front infantrymen. As Peter Fisher argues, ‘Frontkämpfer and völkisch nationalists like Montanus (and Hitler) seen the intellectual Spengler with antibourgeois, anti-intellectual contempt’, regardless of their admire for his authoritarian and martial beliefs (1991, p. 26). Fisher additionally costs Hitler’s declare that ‘I am no follower of Spengler’s. i don't believe within the decline of the West’ (p.